Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: CFP INAUGURAL CONFERENCE OF THE POSTCOLONIAL STUDIES ASSOCIATION,
MAY 2009, WATERFORD, REPUBLIC OF IRELAND
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1"
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable

SOURCE
http://www.postcolonialstudiesassociation.co.uk/id63.html

http://www.postcolonialstudiesassociation.co.uk/index.html

Conferences & Events

CALL FOR PAPERS FOR THE INAUGURAL CONFERENCE OF THE POSTCOLONIAL STUDIES
ASSOCIATION

RE-IMAGINING IDENTITY:
NEW DIRECTIONS IN POSTCOLONIAL STUDIES
6 - 8 MAY 2009=20

AT: WATERFORD INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY,
WATERFORD, REPUBLIC OF IRELAND

Keynote speakers: TBA

This inaugural conference of the Postcolonial Studies Association will =
focus
on a broad re-consideration of the cultural, political, theoretical and
practical re-imaginings of the concept of 'identity' as it relates to =
the
field of Postcolonialism and the wider Humanities and the Social =
Sciences.

The conference aims both to explore current understandings of 'identity' =
in
a multicultural, globalised and conflicted world, and to encourage
disciplinary self-reflexivity. We welcome papers that interrogate the
conceptual category of identity itself, as well as those that relate to =
the
ways specific identities are constructed, assigned or imagined. =
Questions to
be asked will include: 'What is the future of Postcolonialism as a
discipline?' and: 'What is the relationship between received =
understandings
of "identity", specific formulations of key contemporary identities, and =
our
understanding of "the postcolonial"?'

The PSA invites papers from academics working in the disciplines of
Literature, History, Cultural Studies, Film, Human Geography, =
Linguistics,
Politics, Psychology, Religious Studies, Art, Music, Media & =
Communication
and related fields. Our aim is to bring together a wide variety of =
scholarly
interests and methodological approaches.

Paper or panel topics may focus on the following conceptual =
intersections:

=A7 Identity, Religion and Spirituality (the secular & sacred, =
New Age
& alternative spiritualities, the Enlightenment, sectarianism, religious
symbolism, fundamentalism)

=A7 Identity and Time (history, memory, policy, repetition,
development, modernity, eternity, death)

=A7 Identity and Language (language policy, seizing the pen, =
language
as mission and calling; propaganda)

=A7 Identity and Politics (resistance, war, terror)

=A7 Identity and Space (regions, blocs, global flows, the EU and =
the
wider world, the environment)

=A7 Identity, Theory and Disciplinary Boundaries =
(postcolonialism as a
discipline, theoretical approaches, the policing of knowledge,
multidisciplinarity, comparative postcolonialisms)

Panels will normally comprise three 20-minute papers. Proposal =
acceptance is
subject to organising committee approval.

To submit a paper or panel proposal please contact:

Dr Christine ODowd-Smyth - codowdsmyth[at]wit.ie or

psa[at]postcolonialstudiesassociation.co.uk

Closing date for abstract submissions: 1 December 2008

For more information please contact:

Dr Gerri Kimber - gerri[at]thekimbers.co.uk or

Dr Marta Vizcaya Echano - martavizcaya[at]hotmail.com

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: CFP Urban History Review, Special Theme Issue,
the place of immigrants in urban Canada
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="windows-1256"
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable

Urban History Review, Special Theme Issue Call For Papers: Immigrant =
Lives,
Contested Cities, New Histories

=93No great North American city can be understood without being studied =
as a
city of immigrants, of newcomers and their children, as a destination of
myriad group and individual migration projects. Describing a city =
government
or municipal politics, the building of an urban economy and the =
evolution of
a city as polity obviously has value. To so without understanding =
ethnicity
in the city seems a bit like analysing the captain and crew of an ocean
liner but not noticing the passengers, what they expect of the vessel =
and
why they are travelling. Without knowing the networks, folkways and =
values
of the city=92s immigrants . . . [study of the] city is at best =
one-sided, at
worst vacuous.=94 Robert Harney, =93Ethnicity and Neighbourhoods=94 =
(1985)

With Robert Harney=92s provocation of urban and ethnic historians =
nearing its
25th anniversary, the Urban History Review calls for papers exploring =
the
place of immigrants in urban Canada. A special theme issue of the =
journal,
edited by Franca Iacovetta and Jordan Stanger-Ross, encourages scholars =
to
cast fresh eyes on the questions that Harney raised decades ago: How =
have
Canadian cities been defined by immigrants, and how have newcomers to =
Canada
been shaped by their overwhelmingly urban destinations?

The editors aim to bring together theoretical innovation and empirical
research, asking how new scholarship sustains, challenges, and =
reformulates
the study of urban ethnicity. How do new approaches to politics and =
culture;
the intersections of gender, class, and race; and the social =
construction
and subjective experience of ethnicity reshape the history of immigrants =
in
urban Canada? How do current theoretical pre-occupations with the =
regulation
of space, bodies, and morality; pageantry, public spectacle, memory, and
commemoration; and diasporic and transnational journeys and identities =
help
to reinvigorate the field? How have interdisciplinary models and methods
changed the study of social life and urbanism? In all, how has the
historical field developed new ways of contextualizing and understanding =
the
varied constituents=97immigrants, refugees, migrants, illegals, and =
racialized
=93others=94=97of Canadian cities?

New scholars are especially invited to send proposals but we welcome
submissions from all historians and historically minded scholars. We =
welcome
both new work on older subjects (including working women, immigrant =
labour,
households and neighbourhoods, ethnic associations, and protest) as well =
as
new topics and approaches (such as governmentality and biopolitics, =
queer
studies, and the ethno-racialized body). Comparative papers that assess
immigrant behaviour or patterns in Canadian and non-Canadian locales, or
that explore relations between Aboriginal and immigrant populations, or
between =93white ethnics=94 and racialized groups, are also welcome.

Submission guidelines: Please send an abstract of your paper (maximum =
300
words) to cityimmigrants[at]gmail.com by January 15th 2009. Authors =
selected
for inclusion will be notified by February 1st, and final papers are due =
to
the editors by June 30th, 2009. The special issue will be published in =
the
spring 2010 issue. Papers may have between 6,000 to 10,000 words. Please
follow the Review=92s guidelines available at:
http://www.urbanhistoryreview.ca/urbanenglish.html


Appel =E0 articles

Num=E9ro th=E9matique de la Revue d=92histoire urbaine/Urban History =
Review Les
r=E9alit=E9s des immigrants. Villes contest=E9es et nouvelles =
perspectives
d=92analyse historique

Alors que le d=E9fi lanc=E9 aux historiens urbains et de l=92ethnicit=E9 =
par Robert
Harney approche son 25e anniversaire, la Revue d=92histoire =
urbaine/Urban
History Review lance un appel =E0 articles examinant la place des =
immigrants
dans les villes canadiennes. Ce num=E9ro th=E9matique, dirig=E9 par =
Franca
Iacovetta et Jordan Stanger-Ross, invite les chercheurs =E0 jeter un =
nouveau
regard sur les questions soulev=E9es par Harney il y a plus de deux =
d=E9cennies.
Comment les villes canadiennes ont-elles =E9t=E9 influenc=E9es par les =
immigrants
et comment les nouveaux arrivants ont-ils =E9t=E9 fa=E7onn=E9s par leurs =
choix de
s=92int=E9grer dans un milieu largement urbain?

Les r=E9dacteurs invit=E9s du num=E9ro souhaitent rassembler des textes =
pr=E9sentant
des innovations th=E9oriques et des travaux empiriques et ce afin =
d=92explorer
comment les recherches r=E9centes animent, remettent en question ou
red=E9finissent l=92=E9tude de l=92ethnicit=E9 urbaine. Comment les =
nouvelles
approches relatives aux aspects politiques et culturels, =E0
l=92intersectionnalit=E9 entre le genre, la classe et l=92ethnie, ou =
celles
concernant la construction sociale et l=92exp=E9rience subjective de =
l=92ethnicit=E9
contribuent-elles =E0 red=E9finir l=92histoire de l=92immigration dans =
un Canada
urbain ? De quelle mani=E8re les pr=E9occupations th=E9oriques actuelles =
relatives
=E0 la r=E9gulation de l=92espace, des corps et de la moralit=E9, =E0 la
ville-spectacle et c=E9r=E9monielle, =E0 la m=E9moire et la =
comm=E9moration, aux
parcours diasporiques et transnationaux, ainsi qu=92aux identit=E9s
contribuent-elles =E0 renouveler le champ de recherche ? Comment les =
mod=E8les
et les approches m=E9thodologiques modifient-ils l=92=E9tude de la vie =
sociale et
urbaine ? Au final, comment le champ des =E9tudes historiques a-t-il =
d=E9velopp=E9
de nouvelles mani=E8res de saisir et de comprendre les diff=E9rentes =
composantes
ethniques =96 les immigrants, les r=E9fugi=E9s, les migrants, les =
clandestins, de
m=EAme que les =ABautres=BB ethnicis=E9s =96 des villes canadiennes ?

Bien que les nouveaux chercheurs soient particuli=E8rement invit=E9s =E0 =
envoyer
des propositions, nous acceptons celles de tous les historiens et des
chercheurs privil=E9giant une approche historique. Nous sollicitons =
autant les
nouveaux travaux sur des sujets connus (incluant les femmes ouvri=E8res, =
la
main-d=92=9Cuvre immigrante, les m=E9nages, les quartiers et les =
associations
ethniques, ou encore les actions revendicatives), que des travaux =
traitant
de nouveaux sujets ou r=E9f=E9rant =E0 des nouvelles approches (comme la
gouvernementalit=E9 et la biopolitique, les =E9tudes =ABqueer=BB et =
celles
consid=E9rant le corps ethno-racialis=E9). Les textes comparatifs qui =
=E9valuent
le comportement ou l=92insertion des immigrants dans les localit=E9s =
canadiennes
ou non-canadiennes et qui explorent les relations entre les Autochtones =
et
les populations immigrantes, de m=EAme que celles pr=E9valant entre les =
=ABblancs
ethniques=BB et les groupes racialis=E9s sont =E9galement les bienvenus.

Directives pour soumettre un article et calendrier :

SVP envoyer un r=E9sum=E9 de votre proposition d=92article (300 mots =
maximum) =E0 :
cityimmigrants[at]gmail.com d=92ici le 15 janvier 2009.

Les auteurs dont les propositions ont =E9t=E9 retenues seront avis=E9s =
pour le 1er
f=E9vrier 2009. La date limite pour envoyer aux r=E9dacteurs les =
articles pr=EAts
=E0 =EAtre =E9valu=E9s par des pairs est le 30 juin 2009. Le num=E9ro =
sp=E9cial para=EEtra
au printemps 2010.
Les articles doivent avoir de 6 000 =E0 10 000 mots. Nous vous invitons =
=E0
suivre les lignes directrices se trouvant sur le site internet de la =
revue:
http://www.urbanhistoryreview.ca/urbanfrench.html
Franca Iacovetta and Jordan Stanger-Ross
cityimmigrants[at]gmail.com
Email: cityimmigrants[at]gmail.com

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick Maume
Subject: Re: Article,
"Citizenship Matters": Lessons from the Irish Citizenship
Referendum
In-Reply-To:
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit
Content-Disposition: inline

I notice a blunder in this. The United Kingdom and the USA were not
allies in 1916; America didn't enter the First World War until 1917.

On 11/4/08, Patrick O'Sullivan wrote:
> American Quarterly
> Volume 60, Number 3, September 2008
>
> E-ISSN: 1080-6490 Print ISSN: 0003-0678
>
> DOI: 10.1353/aq.0.0034
> "Citizenship Matters":
> Lessons from the Irish Citizenship Referendum
> J. M. Mancini and Graham Finlay
>
> OPENING PARAGRAPHS
> In 1916, armed insurrectionists revolted against the chief ally of the
> United States. The rebels surrendered quickly, but were punished severely:
> 15 were executed, and 3,500 faced imprisonment. Curiously, the British
> government spared one of the rebel leaders, propelling him to take a central
> role in an ongoing and ultimately successful campaign to subvert British
> rule. Even more curiously, nearly fifty years later, in 1964, President
> Lyndon B. Johnson welcomed this aging insurrectionist-who had abandoned his
> belief in the use of force against the British only a few years before-to
> the White House on a state visit. Johnson's greeting to Eamon de Valera, by
> then the president of the Republic of Ireland, immediately suggests why he
> was spared: "This is the country of your birth, Mr. President . . . this
> will always be your home."1 Although de Valera, the American-born son of an
> Irish mother and a Spanish father, lived in the United States for fewer than
> three years, both the British courts and Johnson after them understood de
> Valera to be an American citizen-despite his expatriation, despite his
> participation in armed political struggle, and despite his ascent to the
> leadership of a foreign government.
>
> Until recently, the notion that the country of one's birth determines one's
> citizenship had as powerful a hold in Ireland-where it was encoded in the
> 1922 Constitution of the Irish Free State, the Irish Nationality and
> Citizenship Acts of 1935 and 1956, and from 1998 to 2004 in Article 2 of the
> Irish Constitution-as it has in the United States, where it is protected by
> the Fourteenth Amendment.2 Nonetheless, in 2004, a referendum was called-and
> passed with a nearly 80 percent majority3-removing the constitutional
> provision of territorial birthright citizenship for the children of
> noncitizens.4 This monumental change in the citizenship regime of the newly
> prosperous Ireland of the "Celtic Tiger" marked a radical departure from the
> shared history, embodied in de Valera's personal story, that joined Ireland
> to the United States. At the same time, the citizenship referendum also
> highlighted both continued and new interconnections between the two nations.
> In the debates leading up to the referendum, both the American legal example
> and the historical [End Page 575] experience of legal and illegal Irish
> immigrants in the United States figured prominently. And both the revocation
> of jus soli and the circumstances leading to its revocation underscored the
> fact that Ireland's sudden exposure to the complicated political pressures
> resulting from globalization, including new inward migration from Africa,
> Asia, and the accession states of the European Union, made its political
> landscape more like that of the United States than it had been.
>
> In this article, we discuss both the importance of American practice for the
> normative discussions surrounding the removal of jus soli as an automatic
> qualification for citizenship in Ireland and the importance of the Irish
> debates as an example for the historical and normative investigation of the
> foundations of citizenship in the United States, especially in the field of
> American studies. In an increasingly interconnected world in which people,
> and not just goods and capital, are on the move, we argue that the
> elimination of jus soli as a basis for citizenship was unjustified in the
> Irish case, despite the popular pressures on Irish politicians, and that the
> pressure being placed on U.S. politicians to undermine jus soli should be
> consciously resisted. Changes in the basis of citizenship are not simply
> about the moral composition of the civic public, but have important economic
> and social consequences-chiefly, the creation of a docile class of laborers
> who can be dismissed and deported at will, and who have almost no rights to
> seek redress for the exploitive aspects of their condition. We believe that
> it is a lack of attention to these consequences that allowed the Irish
> government to succeed in removing unrestricted jus soli from the Irish
> Constitution, leading the debates to be solely carried on in terms of the
> intensity of immigrants' connections to the Irish state and in terms of
> Ireland's emigrant past. At a time when politicians from across the
> political spectrum in the United States propose the replacement of permanent
> immigrants by guest workers, a similar neglect of the moral, cultural, and
> economic importance of jus soli threatens to impoverish contemporary debates
> surrounding immigration in the United States.
>

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Kerby Miller
Subject: Re: Article, Why is there no Radical Right Party in Ireland?
In-Reply-To:
Mime-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" ; format="flowed"
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable

I agree, as usual, with Piaras's always superb analyses of Irish affairs.

However, I must question what appears to be the=20
conventional wisdom, on both the left and right,=20
with regard to SF's relationship with FARC.

My point is not simply that one does not have to=20
be in the "SF fold" to regard anyone's=20
relationship with FARC as actually or potentially=20
much less "reprehensible and disgusting" than the=20
relationships between, on one hand, the US=20
government and "responsible/respectable" people,=20
generally, and, on the other hand, the=20
officially-led, -funded, and/or -sanctioned=20
right-wing death squads, which, in Columbia and=20
throughout Latin America, have murdered and=20
tortured tens of thousands of more people than=20
=46ARC or their equivalents in Central America and=20
elsewhere. If I recall correctly, the ratio of=20
murders committed by the right and by FARC in=20
Columbia, over the past 20 or so years, are at=20
least 4 to 1 and perhaps closer to 10 to 1.

More important (and, perhaps, more "objectively),=20
what is the evidence that the presence in=20
Columbia of the so-called "Columbia Three"=20
represented some kind of "alliance" between SF,=20
as an organization or its leadership (for which I=20
hold no brief) and FARC?

Put another way, I fail to understand how SF's=20
alleged "relationship" with FARC was=20
"opportunistic"? The latter term implies some=20
kind of real or perceived advantage for SF to be=20
gained thereby. But, given SF's dependence on US=20
official and popular opinion, and given most=20
Irish-Americans' (and other Americans') fanatic=20
opposition to such groups in Latin America, and=20
even to popularly-elected leftists there, such as=20
Morales and Chavez, and demonized as they all are=20
in the US media (incl. the so-called "liberal=20
media"), I cannot see how any SF relationship=20
with FARC (or with its Central American=20
equivalents, or with Chavez, Morales, etc.),=20
could produce for SF the slightest possible=20
political or other advantage.

If the SF leadership will necessarily fight an=20
uphill battle to be perceived as "respectable",=20
worthy of coalition government in the South, for=20
instance, again I see any perceived=20
"relationship" between SF and FARC as only a=20
godsend for the party's many political and media=20
enemies.

So, again, where's the "opportunity" that "opportunistic" implies?

The only "opportunity" I can imagine for the SF=20
leadership would be the self-exile of those=20
SF/IRA members who, perhaps for genuinely=20
idealistic motives, opposed the "peace process"=20
in NI, sincerely believed in SF's sometime=20
radical/internationalist rhetoric, and who,=20
rather than stay at home and oppose the "peace=20
process" (perhaps by joining dissident=20
republicans), preferred to go abroad and follow=20
out the logic of that rhetoric. I can see why=20
SF's leaders would be glad to see such people in=20
the jungles of Columbia rather than in the=20
RIRA--and perhaps this is the meaning of Piaras's=20
term "opportunistic"-- but is that the same thing=20
as an SF/FARC "alliance"?

=46inally, although drug trafficking would never be=20
my preferred mode of raising money to support=20
left-wing revolution, it is important to remember=20
that in Indochina in the 1950s-60s, and in=20
Nicaragua in the 1980s, the CIA engaged in=20
big-time drug-trafficking (all the way to the=20
ghettos and barrios of Los Angeles) to fund its=20
own and its proxies' illegal wars, and also that=20
the US government's "war on drugs" is largely a=20
front for imperialist interventions and control=20
(economic and political, as well as military) in=20
Columbia, Mexico, etc. Hence, when the Columbia=20
Three story broke, I was rather astonished to=20
hear my otherwise well-informed Irish academic=20
friends employing "Bush-speak" terms such as=20
"Narco-Terrorists", which in turn made me wonder=20
to what sources of information Ireland's=20
"responsible academics" were attuned. Piaras,=20
I'm sure, would never employ any form of "Bush-"=20
or "imperial-speak," but I'm still puzzled for=20
the reasons mentioned above.

Kerby






>I think Edmundo's point is well taken. It's not=20
>really possible to pigeonhole SF as left or=20
>right. It did lose its avowedly Marxist wing=20
>when the Provos and the Stickies ('Official Sinn=20
>F=E9in') split at the beginning of the Troubles,=20
>but it seems to me that there has always been=20
>something of the pantomine horse about the=20
>Provisionals ever since that period. In other=20
>words, the movement inherited the tradition of=20
>hardline non-ideological militarism (some would=20
>use less polite words) embodied by people like=20
>Joe Cahill. But it also espoused socially and=20
>politically radical ideas, from the 'Eire Nua'=20
>document of the early 1970s to its generally=20
>progressive position on immigration issues. Its=20
>progressive impulses have been tarnished on many=20
>occasions by its evidently sectarian and=20
>intolerant actions but that is not to say that=20
>there are not people in SF who actually believe=20
>in them. In the south of Ireland, that makes=20
>them more or less the only radical party, as=20
>Labour has long since embraced the cosy=20
>consensus of statist 'national agreements'. I'm=20
>not saying that was necessarily wrong, just that=20
>(especially with the Greens actually sharing=20
>government with FF) SF is more or less the only=20
>party outside the tent.
>
>It remains to be seen how SF will manage an=20
>increasingly fractious working class vote in a=20
>deteriorating economic climate while pursuing a=20
>right-on policy on issues like immigration. As=20
>for their flirting with FARC, I think most=20
>people outside the SF fold found that to be a=20
>reprehensible and disgusting alliance. In saying=20
>this I do not deny in any way the murderous=20
>policies of official Columbia, where there are=20
>clear links between Government figures and right=20
>wing death squads. The SF involvement in the=20
>place was shabby and opportunistic and almost=20
>certainly meant that they were implicated=20
>indirectly in a drugs trade which is blighting=20
>the lives of millions.
>
>Another factor to bear in mind is that SF/IRA=20
>has always found itself in an ambiguous position=20
>in the USA because of the need to placate/get=20
>money from right wing Irish America (think=20
>Martin Galvin) while holding onto a radical=20
>Euroleft agenda closer to home.
>
>Piaras
>
>
>-----Original Message-----"
>From: The Irish Diaspora Studies List on behalf of Murray, Edmundo
>Sent: Mon 11/3/2008 11:03 AM
>To: IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK
>Subject: Re: [IR-D] Article, Why is there no Radical Right Party in Ireland=
?
>
>Radical yes, but right? What about Sinn Fein's "left" discourse,
>including relations with FARC in Colombia and Gerry Adams theorising in
>Havana on the analogies of "two islands"? (and apparently recent
>contacts with the new president of Paraguay). I thought it was left...
>Can anybody explain?
>
>Edmundo Murray
>
>-----Original Message-----
>From: The Irish Diaspora Studies List [mailto:IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK] On
>Behalf Of Patrick O'Sullivan
>Sent: 03 November 2008 11:38
>To: IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK
>Subject: [IR-D] Article, Why is there no Radical Right Party in Ireland?
>
>
>publication
>West European Politics
>
>ISSN
>0140-2382 electronic: 1743-9655
>
>publisher
>Taylor & Francis Group
>
>year - volume - issue - page
>2008 - 31 - 5 - 960
>
>article
>
>Why is there no Radical Right Party in Ireland?
>
>O'Malley, Eoin
>
>abstract
>
>The rise of the radical or extreme right parties in Europe - parties
>usually
>noted for strong, sometimes racist anti-immigrant ideologies - has
>attracted
>a great deal of attention in political science. Ireland, despite having
>some
>conditions favourable to the growth of such a party has no radical right
>party. This paper argues that that this is because the 'space' usually
>occupied by such parties - for young, poor people disaffected by
>economic
>change - is taken up by Sinn Fein, which though it has similarities to
>radical right parties, differs markedly in its attitudes to immigrants.
>It
>goes on to explain the special circumstances that prevent nationalist
>parties in Ireland from presenting overtly anti-immigrant platforms. The
>focus on anti-immigration and liberal economic policies for such parties
>may
>mean that other parties with strong resemblances are excluded from
>studies
>they might usefully be included.

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: Book Announced, Hanna Greally, Bird's Nest Soup
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="utf-8"
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable

Forwarded on behalf of
From: Mike.Collins[at]ucc.ie=20
Subject: Mentally well but unclaimed

Dear Patrick

Hanna Greally spent the best part of the 1940s and 1950s incarcerated in =
a psychiatric hospital in the Irish Midlands. In Birds Nest Soup she =
recounts with vivid detail the terrible suffering she endured there.- =
Bird's Nest Soup (ISBN 978 185594 210 3, Sbk, 148 pp, 195 x 127mm, =
=E2=82=AC9.95/=C2=A37.95). Published November 3rd.

"Mentally well, but unclaimed" -this sums up the horrendous situation in =
which Hanna Greally found herself for the best part of twenty years. She =
saw what she anticipated was a short rest in the Big House, St. Loman's =
psychiatric hospital in Mullingar stretch and stretch as it became clear =
to her that none of her relatives surviving after her mother's =
unexpected death had any intention of applying for her release.

In those days there was no way out for an unclaimed patient. She knew =
herself to be unwanted, fully conscious of her position and acutely =
observant of her surroundings, in an atmosphere calculated to bring =
about steady degradation of her personality. She survived this Kaf =
ka-esque situation, emotionally and physically whole, and when a more =
enlightened system was introduced regained her freedom through a =
rehabilitation institute in 1962.

Here is a remarkable story, told with reticence and naturalness which =
makes it all the more moving.

New Introduction by Dr. Eilis Ward, National University of Ireland =
Galway

Hanna Greally (also known as Johanna or Joan Greally) was born in =
Athlone in 1925.

For more information about Bird's Nest Soup
please contact:
Mike Collins, Cork University Press, Youngline Industrial Estate, =
Pouladuff Road, Cork, Ireland

Tel: 00 353 (0) 21 490 2980 Fax: 00 353 (0) 21 431 5329
Email: mike.collins[at]ucc.ie
web: www.corkuniversitypress.com

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Peter Hart
Subject: FARC at al
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 8bit

Our problem here is a lack of good information. However, surely it looks very
suspicious, as did the supposedly unaffiliated campaign in Ireland over it -
run by Catriona Ruane, wasn't it, now a SF MLA and minister I think. I doubt
you'd find many observers who doubt that the 3 were on an official mission that
they all wanted to keep secret. As for Irish-American opinion, that didn't stop
the IRA from accepting Libyan arms in the 1980s, or from espousing a form of
socialism for decades.

Peter Hart

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: Article,
The Observance of Light: A Ritualistic Perspective on
'Imperfectly' Aligned Passage Tombs
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii"
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit

Time and Mind is a new journal, and so I guess not many people or
organisations will be aware of it...

Should they be aware of it? I have no way of knowing.

P.O'S.

FROM THE WEB SITE
'Peer-reviewed, lively and highly interdisciplinary, Time & Mind presents
new perspectives on landscape, monuments, people and culture. The journal
features scholarly work addressing cognitive aspects of cross-related
disciplines such as archaeology, anthropology and psychology that can shape
our understanding of archaeological sites, landscapes and pre-modern
worldviews. It also explores how modern minds create images of the past, and
addresses how new findings about prehistory can inspire current research on
the brain and consciousness.'

http://www.bergpublishers.com/JournalsHomepage/TimeMind/tabid/3253/Default.a
spx

Volume 1, Number 1, March 2008
Is a free sample issue.

The following article, from the latest issue, issue 3, has fallen into our
alerts...

The Observance of Light: A Ritualistic Perspective on 'Imperfectly' Aligned
Passage Tombs

Author: Hensey, Robert

Source: Time and Mind, Volume 1, Number 3, November 2008 , pp. 319-329(11)

Publisher: Berg Publishers

Abstract:
Astronomical alignment of megalithic monuments has proved to be a divisive
issue in the history of archaeology. Above all, it remains an area in which
a divide has been maintained between the public perception of the role of
megaliths and archaeological or archaeoastronomical interpretation. This is
most apparent at passage tomb sites, some of which are publicly reputed to
have astronomical alignments, but are considered doubtful candidates from a
technical and scientific point of view. The difficulty concerns our ability
to gauge the level of constructional intentionality of astronomical
orientations in the monument's design. Even sites that have empirical
evidence of sunlight entering the chamber, may, from a technical
perspective, be considered inconclusive, or possess insufficiently precise
alignments to be deemed as planned features of their construction. In this
paper, it is argued that because our understanding of monument orientations
has been largely governed by these technical matters and questions of
intentionality, insufficient consideration has been given to how
astronomical alignments may have actually been engaged with from a
ritualistic standpoint. By employing a ritualistic perspective over an
exclusively technical one, new interpretations are offered both on the
methods used by archaeologists, and on the ritual use of passage tombs.

Keywords: IRISH PASSAGE TOMBS; ASTRONOMY; LIGHT; RITUAL; CARROWKEEL

Document Type: Research article

DOI: 10.2752/175169708X329363

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: Article,
The Mystery of the Cannon Chains: Remembrance in the Irish
Countryside
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1"
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable

The Mystery of the Cannon Chains: Remembrance in the Irish Countryside
Guy Beiner
History Workshop Journal, Issue 66, Autumn 2008, pp. 81-106 (Article)

Subject Headings:
Ireland -- History -- Rebellion of 1798.
Collective memory -- Ireland.


Opening paragraph
And now, of course, you want to hear something of the stolen chains of =
the
guns and magazine. Well, I'm afraid it's one of the stories that will =
never
be rightly known. There were a lot of rumours going around here after =
'98
and 'tis hard to know if there were any truth in them.
John Clancy, Faughill, county Leitrim, Ireland1=20

On 15 September 1957, supporters of the Sinn F=E9in party organized a
republican demonstration in the village of Ballinamuck in county =
Longford,
in the north midlands of Ireland. They were protesting the internment of =
the
acting headmaster of the Ballinamuck Technical School, Padraig Kelly,2 =
but,
in addition to the immediate political agenda, the event was also tied =
in
with local commemoration of the 1798 Rebellion, which was a topic of
particular interest for republican activists interred in the Curragh =
prison
camp at the time.3 The keynote speaker was the newly elected Sinn F=E9in =
TD
(member of parliament) for the neighbouring area of Sligo-Leitrim, John =
Joe
McGirl from Ballinamore, county Leitrim. Upon arriving on the scene, the
organizers were surprised to discover that political opponents had =
painted
the roads with graffiti that protested: 'Go home to Leitrim McGirl who =
stole
the Chains'.4 It would seem that McGirl, an Irish Republican Army (IRA)
activist who had recently been imprisoned for his involvement in a
paramilitary campaign across the Northern Irish border, was being
discredited by implication with some obscure theft of 'chains', and that
this had something to do with his coming from Leitrim.

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Kerby Miller
Subject: Re: FARC at al
In-Reply-To:
Mime-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" ; format="flowed"

But, what on earth would be the point of such an "official mission"?
I've never seen that question even addressed, much less answered,
even speculatively.

The only possibility that seems to make even the remotest sense would
be that SF saw the possibility that seconding some of its most
dedicated and ideologically-committed activists to FARC (or similar
overseas groups) would get them out of Ireland and prevent them from
joining dissident republican groups at home.

I.e., FARC could become a sort of French Foreign Legion for people
whose "struggle against evil empires," as they might see it, would no
longer be allowed at home.

But, again, given the proverbially intense localism of people in
Northern Ireland, and of the IRA's own structure, I wonder whether
even that "explanation" makes much sense.

(Yes, of course, my Foreign Legion analogy breaks down, since the
original, in which Devoy fought, was serving imperial, not
anti-imperial, interests. But otherwise....)

By the way, what was the chronological relationship between the
Columbia Three (either the start of their alleged mission or their
arrest and media exposure) and 9/11 and the onset of the so-called
"war on terror"? That's an innocent question. I simply don't recall
the sequence, but, if the mission or its exposure took place AFTER
9/11 and the start of GWOT, then the 1990s Lybian arms and socialist
analogies are less convincing.




>Our problem here is a lack of good information. However, surely it looks very
>suspicious, as did the supposedly unaffiliated campaign in Ireland over it -
>run by Catriona Ruane, wasn't it, now a SF MLA and minister I think. I doubt
>you'd find many observers who doubt that the 3 were on an official
>mission that
>they all wanted to keep secret. As for Irish-American opinion, that
>didn't stop
>the IRA from accepting Libyan arms in the 1980s, or from espousing a form of
>socialism for decades.
>
>Peter Hart

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: "Thomas J. Archdeacon"
Organization: UW-Madison
Subject: Re: Article, "Citizenship Matters"
In-Reply-To:
MIME-version: 1.0
Content-type: text/plain; charset=iso-8859-1
Content-transfer-encoding: quoted-printable

I wouldn't push too far the technicality that the USA and the UK were =
not
allies in 1916. Yes, the U.S. did not enter WW I until 1917. Yes, the
president was promising non-involvement in the European conflict. Yet I
think that any analysis of attitudes within the American governmental
attitudes and among American opinion makers in 1916 would indicate that =
the
U.S. viewed England and France much more sympathetically than it viewed
Germany and Austria-Hungary. In 1916 Jeremiah A. O=92Leary of the =
American
Truth Society" taunted Wilson for his allegedly pro-British policies =
after
New York voters defeated an Anglophile candidate in a 1916 primary =
election.
Wilson sent a return telegram stating, =93Your telegram received. I =
would feel
deeply mortified to have you or anybody like you vote for me. Since you =
have
access to many disloyal Americans and I have not, I will ask you to =
convey
this message to them.=94 Although "chief ally" is certainly an =
anachronistic
phrase to apply to the UK vis-=E0-vis the US in 1916, arguments that the =
US
was truly neutral in 1916 have their own potential to mislead.
=20
Tom


-----Original Message-----
From: The Irish Diaspora Studies List [mailto:IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK] On =
Behalf
Of Patrick O'Sullivan
Sent: Thursday, November 06, 2008 9:37 AM
To: IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK
Subject: [IR-D] Article, "Citizenship Matters"

From: "William Mulligan Jr."
To: "'The Irish Diaspora Studies List'"
Subject: RE: [IR-D] Article, "Citizenship Matters": Lessons from the =
Irish
Citizenship Referendum
Date: Wed, 5 Nov 2008 21:53:10 -0600

Patrick has caught something here and it highlights a breakdown in the =
=3D
peer
review and editorial process. Surely, someone should have caught such a
basic factual error. In late 1916, Wilson was still promising the =3D
mothers
of America he would not send their sons to fight and die in Europe. Of
course, FDR made the same pledge in 1940 and LBJ a slightly different =
=3D
one,
SE Asia, in 1964 --all in Boston -- a Diaspora link perhaps given large
Irish population there/ .

The question of why de Valera was not executed in 1916 remains, but if =
=3D
such
basic facts are wrong it is hard to have confidence in anything =
else.=3D20

Bill Mulligan

William H. Mulligan, Jr., Ph.D.
Professor of History
Graduate Program Coordinator=3D20
Murray State University
Murray KY 42071-3341 USA=3D20
Office: 1-270-809-6571
Fax: 1-270-809-6587=3D20
=3D20
=3D20

-----Original Message-----
From: The Irish Diaspora Studies List [mailto:IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK] On =
=3D
Behalf
Of Patrick Maume
Sent: Tuesday, November 04, 2008 5:26 PM
To: IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK
Subject: Re: [IR-D] Article, "Citizenship Matters": Lessons from the =3D
Irish
Citizenship Referendum

I notice a blunder in this. The United Kingdom and the USA were not
allies in 1916; America didn't enter the First World War until 1917.

On 11/4/08, Patrick O'Sullivan wrote:
> American Quarterly
> Volume 60, Number 3, September 2008
>
> E-ISSN: 1080-6490 Print ISSN: 0003-0678
>
> DOI: 10.1353/aq.0.0034
> "Citizenship Matters":
> Lessons from the Irish Citizenship Referendum
> J. M. Mancini and Graham Finlay
>
> OPENING PARAGRAPHS
> In 1916, armed insurrectionists revolted against the chief ally of the
> United States. The rebels surrendered quickly, but were punished =3D
severely:
> 15 were executed, and 3,500 faced imprisonment. Curiously, the British
> government spared one of the rebel leaders, propelling him to take a
central
> role in an ongoing and ultimately successful campaign to subvert =3D
British
> rule. Even more curiously, nearly fifty years later, in 1964, =3D
President
> Lyndon B. Johnson welcomed this aging insurrectionist-who had =3D
abandoned
his
> belief in the use of force against the British only a few years =3D
before-to
> the White House on a state visit. Johnson's greeting to Eamon de =3D
Valera,
by
> then the president of the Republic of Ireland, immediately suggests =
=3D
why he
> was spared: "This is the country of your birth, Mr. President . . . =
=3D
this
> will always be your home."1=20

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: FW: [IR-D] 2008 Irish Diaspora Forum at UCD, November 10 2008
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1"
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable

From: Trew Johanne [mailto:JD.Trew[at]ulster.ac.uk]=20
Sent: 06 November 2008 13:41
To: P.OSullivan[at]Bradford.ac.uk
Subject: FW: [IR-D] 2008 Irish Diaspora Forum at UCD, November 10 2008

Dear Paddy,
=A0
Probably not PC to mention this (and I might get hammered for =
bringing=A0it
up), but is it my=A0misreading or is there=A0any Northern Ireland
participation/mention at this event? And where is the rest of the =
diaspora?
=A0
Not to be overly cynical but it kind of looks like an Ireland - America
love-in to me. In other words, the usual!
=A0
Johanne
=A0
Johanne Devlin Trew, PhD
University of Ulster
jd.trew[at]ulster.ac.uk
=A0
________________________________________

From: Patrick O'Sullivan [mailto:P.OSullivan[at]bradford.ac.uk]

SOURCE
http://www.ucd.ie/hume/

Welcome to the 2008 Irish Diaspora Forum at UCD

Last year, 1,000 people participated in our first Irish Diaspora Forum,
which was held in New York.

The purpose of the event is to explore and to stimulate discussion on =
issues
that are of significance to people in Ireland and to people elsewhere =
who
identify with Ireland and with Irishness, an estimated 80 million people
world wide.

Discussion will focus on four themes:

=A0=A0=A0 * New World Order? "Change" and the US administration
=A0=A0=A0 * "After the Deluge" Ireland and the Global Economy
=A0=A0=A0 * "Giving Back"- Can philanthropy shape the future?
=A0=A0=A0 * Irish Culture- A Global Bridge?

Panels of special guest speakers will address specific topics, but the =
day
is intended to be a forum and discussion and debate from other =
participants
will be welcome.

This year the conference will take place in the Global Irish Institute. =
The
event is free to members of the public who wish to participate, but we =
ask
that you register for the event as places are limited.

I look forward to welcoming you to what should be a lively and =
stimulating
day.

Dr Hugh Brady
President
UCD

07.30 hours
Registration

08.30 hours
Welcome:
Dr Hugh Brady, President UCD;
Niall O'Dowd, Publisher Irish America Magazine;
Loretta Brennan-Glucksman, Chairman American Ireland Funds

09.00 hours
Session One:
"After the Deluge: The future of the Global Economy"

Karl Whelan, UCD School of Economics (Session Chair)
Hugo MacNeill, Goldman Sachs
John Gilmore COO Sling Media
Colm McCarthy, UCD School of Economics
Professor Eamonn Walsh, UCD Michael Smurfit Business School
Ian Hyland; Publisher, Business and Finance Magazine


11.15 hours
Session Two:
"The New US Administration - Implications for Ireland and the World"

Conor O'Clery (Session Chair)
Bob Schmuhl, Professor of Journalism, Notre Dame and 2009 John Hume =
Visiting
Fellow UCD.
Grant Lally, National Co-chair Irish American Republicans
Bruce Morrison, Former Member US House of Representatives
HE Thomas C Foley, US Ambassador to Ireland

14.00 hours
Session Three:
"Giving Back - How Philanthropy Can Shape the Future"

Fergus Finlay, Chief Executive, Barnardos (Session Chair)
Gara LaMarche, CEO Atlantic Philanthropies
Kingsley Aikins, President and CEO, The Ireland Funds
Joan Burton, TD, Deputy Leader of the Labour Party

15.00 hours
Conference Address
President Mary McAleese, President of Ireland

16.00 hours
Session Four:
"Irish Culture - The Global Bridge"
John Kelly RTE (Session Chair)
Lenny Abrahamson, Film Producer
Hugo Hamilton, Novelist
Eugene Downes: Chief Executive Culture Ireland
Declan Kiberd, Professor of Anglo-Irish Literature UCD
Jim Flannery, Director of the W. B. Yeats Foundation and the Winship
Professor of Arts and Humanities at Emory University.
Frank McGuinness, Playwright and Professor of Creative Writing, UCD

17.30 hours
Conference Close & Reception

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: Article, "Citizenship Matters"
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii"
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit

From: "William Mulligan Jr."
To: "'The Irish Diaspora Studies List'"
Subject: RE: [IR-D] Article, "Citizenship Matters": Lessons from the Irish
Citizenship Referendum
Date: Wed, 5 Nov 2008 21:53:10 -0600

Patrick has caught something here and it highlights a breakdown in the =
peer
review and editorial process. Surely, someone should have caught such a
basic factual error. In late 1916, Wilson was still promising the =
mothers
of America he would not send their sons to fight and die in Europe. Of
course, FDR made the same pledge in 1940 and LBJ a slightly different =
one,
SE Asia, in 1964 --all in Boston -- a Diaspora link perhaps given large
Irish population there/ .

The question of why de Valera was not executed in 1916 remains, but if =
such
basic facts are wrong it is hard to have confidence in anything else.=20

Bill Mulligan

William H. Mulligan, Jr., Ph.D.
Professor of History
Graduate Program Coordinator=20
Murray State University
Murray KY 42071-3341 USA=20
Office: 1-270-809-6571
Fax: 1-270-809-6587=20
=20
=20

-----Original Message-----
From: The Irish Diaspora Studies List [mailto:IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK] On =
Behalf
Of Patrick Maume
Sent: Tuesday, November 04, 2008 5:26 PM
To: IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK
Subject: Re: [IR-D] Article, "Citizenship Matters": Lessons from the =
Irish
Citizenship Referendum

I notice a blunder in this. The United Kingdom and the USA were not
allies in 1916; America didn't enter the First World War until 1917.

On 11/4/08, Patrick O'Sullivan wrote:
> American Quarterly
> Volume 60, Number 3, September 2008
>
> E-ISSN: 1080-6490 Print ISSN: 0003-0678
>
> DOI: 10.1353/aq.0.0034
> "Citizenship Matters":
> Lessons from the Irish Citizenship Referendum
> J. M. Mancini and Graham Finlay
>
> OPENING PARAGRAPHS
> In 1916, armed insurrectionists revolted against the chief ally of the
> United States. The rebels surrendered quickly, but were punished =
severely:
> 15 were executed, and 3,500 faced imprisonment. Curiously, the British
> government spared one of the rebel leaders, propelling him to take a
central
> role in an ongoing and ultimately successful campaign to subvert =
British
> rule. Even more curiously, nearly fifty years later, in 1964, =
President
> Lyndon B. Johnson welcomed this aging insurrectionist-who had =
abandoned
his
> belief in the use of force against the British only a few years =
before-to
> the White House on a state visit. Johnson's greeting to Eamon de =
Valera,
by
> then the president of the Republic of Ireland, immediately suggests =
why he
> was spared: "This is the country of your birth, Mr. President . . . =
this
> will always be your home."1

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: Joseph Rowntree Foundation,
Immigration and Social Cohesion in the UK - Tricycle Theatre -
2pm - 6pm- 20 November
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii"
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit

Dear Friends,

Immigration and social cohesion in the UK: the rhythms and realities of
everyday life.

We are delighted to invite you to an event celebrating the London research
on Immigration and Social Cohesion in the UK, conducted in
Downham and Kilburn, the London sites for this UK wide research

It will be held at the Tricycle Theatre in Kilburn on Thursday 20 November
at 2 pm.

The launch will open with presentations of the findings of each area and an
opportunity for an exchange and discussion about it between London
participants and partners.

There will also be a performance by the Complete Works Creative Company,
performed by young people from Downham. This has been written and
prepared by them on the theme of the research and is their interpretation
and response to it.

The research is funded by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation and the event is
co-hosted by the Tricycle Theatre and Institute for the Study of
European Transformations (ISET).

I do hope you can join us.

yours sincerely

Mary

------------------------------------------------
Mary Hickman (Prof)
Project Director
Rhythms and Realities of Everyday Life
A Joseph Rowntree Foundation Project

Institute for the Study of European Transformations (ISET)
London Metropolitan University
166-220 Holloway Road
London N7 8DB

Telephone: +44 (0)20 7133 2927
------------------------------------------------

Note from P.O'S.
The Research Report can be downloaded free at

https://www.jrf.org.uk/bookshop/details.asp?pubID=970

Immigration and Social Cohesion in the UK: The rhythms and realities of
everyday life

Mary Hickman, Helen Crowley and Nick Mai

http://www.jrf.org.uk/

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick O'Sullivan
Subject: FW: [IR-D] Article, "Citizenship Matters"
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1"
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable

Mancini, J. M., and Finlay, G. 2008. =93Citizenship Matters=94: Lessons =
from the
Irish Citizenship Referendum. American Quarterly 60:.

I'd be upset if we were too fierce about this article, especially =
because it
was, perhaps, my too speedy Copy & Paste that drew attention to that =
weak
opening paragraph.

The article itself is very interesting, in exploring the 2 =
constitutional
traditions - giving substance to discussions I have been involved in, in =
a
number of places. The article even spares the time - Note 91 - to =
praise
Piaras Mac =C9inr=ED. And, for that, surely, much can be forgiven...

Paddy O'Sullivan

-----Original Message-----
From: The Irish Diaspora Studies List [mailto:IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK] On =
Behalf
Of Thomas J. Archdeacon
Sent: 06 November 2008 18:56
To: IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK
Subject: Re: [IR-D] Article, "Citizenship Matters"

I wouldn't push too far the technicality that the USA and the UK were =
not
allies in 1916. Yes, the U.S. did not enter WW I until 1917. Yes, the
president was promising non-involvement in the European conflict. Yet I
think that any analysis of attitudes within the American governmental
attitudes and among American opinion makers in 1916 would indicate that =
the
U.S. viewed England and France much more sympathetically than it viewed
Germany and Austria-Hungary. In 1916 Jeremiah A. O=92Leary of the =
American
Truth Society" taunted Wilson for his allegedly pro-British policies =
after
New York voters defeated an Anglophile candidate in a 1916 primary =
election.
Wilson sent a return telegram stating, =93Your telegram received. I =
would feel
deeply mortified to have you or anybody like you vote for me. Since you =
have
access to many disloyal Americans and I have not, I will ask you to =
convey
this message to them.=94 Although "chief ally" is certainly an =
anachronistic
phrase to apply to the UK vis-=E0-vis the US in 1916, arguments that the =
US
was truly neutral in 1916 have their own potential to mislead.
=20
Tom

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Peter Hart
Subject: Re: FARC at al
In-Reply-To:
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 8bit

Hi:

Well, it was August 2001, so peace process era, pre-9/11. Here's one pretty
full version of events:

http://www.troopsoutmovement.com/columbia3.htm

Here is a memoir by one of the 3:

http://www.brandonbooks.com/book_info.php/cPath//products_id/185/authors_id/134?PHPSESSID=9b91705a3d0cee3e7491ff8adfbb5a3f

I was living in Belfast at the time, and the story was that they were training
FARC in the use of Mark 10 mortars - the kind invented by the IRA and used -
among other places - on 10 Downing Street if I recall correctly. In return,
they would get lots and lots of money. These men were widely described as IRA
veterans (at least 2 of them anyway), and this would fit with a series of big
heists pulled off in Belfast, themselves seen as the IRA doing the old 'one
last job' before retirement, as it were. Much investigation since into real
estate holdings, bank accounts, piles of cash etc., as in the case of the
Murphy brothers (Slab et al).

Is this true? British intelligence probably think so, and may have spread the
idea. Prosecutions of various sorts have mostly failed - Northern bank, the
FARC case more or less. Much criticism of the NI DPP followed.

It certainly isn't absurd though - the IRA were certainly capable, surely have
amassed lots of money, as with arms, and have never had many qualms about such
foreign dealings. There has certainly been discussion and speculation about
internal IRA politics requiring operations of various kinds as Adams and
McGuinness maneuvered their way to peace. And there is plenty of precedent for
IRA cover-ups and denials - as over recent killings of various sorts.

It would be interesting to know what Columbian observers thought of it all.
For
some absurd reason, the current govts. of both your country and mine (that is,
the US and Canada) seem to want to arrange a free trade deal with Columbia, and
John McCain spoke most passionately about it in one of the debates if I recall.

I doubt that would help matters any more than the IRA did.

Peter

Quoting Kerby Miller :

> But, what on earth would be the point of such an "official mission"?
> I've never seen that question even addressed, much less answered,
> even speculatively.
>
> The only possibility that seems to make even the remotest sense would
> be that SF saw the possibility that seconding some of its most
> dedicated and ideologically-committed activists to FARC (or similar
> overseas groups) would get them out of Ireland and prevent them from
> joining dissident republican groups at home.
>
> I.e., FARC could become a sort of French Foreign Legion for people
> whose "struggle against evil empires," as they might see it, would no
> longer be allowed at home.
>
> But, again, given the proverbially intense localism of people in
> Northern Ireland, and of the IRA's own structure, I wonder whether
> even that "explanation" makes much sense.
>
> (Yes, of course, my Foreign Legion analogy breaks down, since the
> original, in which Devoy fought, was serving imperial, not
> anti-imperial, interests. But otherwise....)
>
> By the way, what was the chronological relationship between the
> Columbia Three (either the start of their alleged mission or their
> arrest and media exposure) and 9/11 and the onset of the so-called
> "war on terror"? That's an innocent question. I simply don't recall
> the sequence, but, if the mission or its exposure took place AFTER
> 9/11 and the start of GWOT, then the 1990s Lybian arms and socialist
> analogies are less convincing.
>
>
>
>
> >Our problem here is a lack of good information. However, surely it looks
> very
> >suspicious, as did the supposedly unaffiliated campaign in Ireland over it
> -
> >run by Catriona Ruane, wasn't it, now a SF MLA and minister I think. I
> doubt
> >you'd find many observers who doubt that the 3 were on an official
> >mission that
> >they all wanted to keep secret. As for Irish-American opinion, that
> >didn't stop
> >the IRA from accepting Libyan arms in the 1980s, or from espousing a form
> of
> >socialism for decades.
> >
> >Peter Hart
>

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: "Thomas J. Archdeacon"
Organization: UW-Madison
Subject: Re: FW: [IR-D] Article, "Citizenship Matters"
In-Reply-To:
MIME-version: 1.0
Content-type: text/plain; charset=iso-8859-1
Content-transfer-encoding: quoted-printable

I have not yet read the article but will assume that Patrick and others =
are
interpreting it correctly. The principal error would seem to be seeing =
the
US rather than the UK as the main actor in sparing DeValera. The rest =
of
the misinterpretation would flow from that. Opponents of the war did go =
to
jail in America, but -- from the government's point of view -- not =
merely
for expressing anti-war views. Their convictions usually rested on =
charges
that they had advocated resisting conscription or taking other actions
intended directly to thwart programs mandated by Congress. (The =
suppression
of some publications that were vociferously anti-war might better fit
Patrick's point). =20

As for counterfactuals that are fascinating but perhaps beyond =
resolution,
what if Hitler had not declared war against the US after Pearl Harbor?
Although the Americans immediately declared war on Japan, they waited =
until
after his declaration to declare war on Germany. =20

Tom



-----Original Message-----
From: The Irish Diaspora Studies List [mailto:IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK] On =
Behalf
Of Patrick Maume
Sent: Friday, November 07, 2008 7:01 AM
To: IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK
Subject: Re: [IR-D] FW: [IR-D] Article, "Citizenship Matters"

From: Patrick Maume
I would think the mistake does affect a significant subsidiary part of =
the
argument. The paper states that America intervened for de Valera even
though he was fighting against an ally, and that this shows the strength =
of
their commitment to the principle. Considering that when America did go =
to
war quite a few American citizens living in America were sent to prison
merely for expressing anti-war views, this is stretching it a bit.
My own view (based on an impression from general reading) is that =
America
did not in fact intervene in de Valera's behalf; that the British took =
the
decision to spare him because of his alleged American citizenship, and =
they
did this because both the British and American governments had denounced =
the
deaths of American citizens on British ships torpedoed in the Atlantic =
as
tantamount to aggression against America (even though the Germans quite
reasonably argued that if American citizens chose to sail through a war =
zone
on belligerent vessels they had only themselves to blame if they were =
sunk)
and that if THAT standard was applied then shooting de Valera would have
provided a serious counter-argument. (Remember also that Britain mad a
major issue out of the shooting of Nurse Edith Cavell for taking =
advantage
of her position as a Red Cross nurse in Belgium to assist British POWS =
in
escaping, even though she had unquestionably done what the Germans shot =
her
for and British officials admitted after the war that they would have =
done
the same had a German nurse in Britain acted thus).
This by the way raises an interesting counterfactual - what if the =
Easter
Rising had taken place after American entry to the war?
Best wishes,
Patrick

On Thu, Nov 6, 2008 at 7:52 PM, Patrick O'Sullivan wrote:

> Mancini, J. M., and Finlay, G. 2008. "Citizenship Matters": Lessons =
from
> the
> Irish Citizenship Referendum. American Quarterly 60:.
>
> I'd be upset if we were too fierce about this article, especially =
because
> it
> was, perhaps, my too speedy Copy & Paste that drew attention to that =
weak
> opening paragraph.
>
> The article itself is very interesting, in exploring the 2 =
constitutional
> traditions - giving substance to discussions I have been involved in, =
in a
> number of places. The article even spares the time - Note 91 - to =
praise
> Piaras Mac =C9inr=ED. And, for that, surely, much can be forgiven...
>
> Paddy O'Sullivan
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: The Irish Diaspora Studies List [mailto:IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK] On
> Behalf
> Of Thomas J. Archdeacon
> Sent: 06 November 2008 18:56
> To: IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK
> Subject: Re: [IR-D] Article, "Citizenship Matters"
>
> I wouldn't push too far the technicality that the USA and the UK were =
not
> allies in 1916. Yes, the U.S. did not enter WW I until 1917. Yes, =
the
> president was promising non-involvement in the European conflict. Yet =
I
> think that any analysis of attitudes within the American governmental
> attitudes and among American opinion makers in 1916 would indicate =
that
the
> U.S. viewed England and France much more sympathetically than it =
viewed
> Germany and Austria-Hungary. In 1916 Jeremiah A. O'Leary of the =
American
> Truth Society" taunted Wilson for his allegedly pro-British policies =
after
> New York voters defeated an Anglophile candidate in a 1916 primary
> election.
> Wilson sent a return telegram stating, "Your telegram received. I =
would
> feel
> deeply mortified to have you or anybody like you vote for me. Since =
you
> have
> access to many disloyal Americans and I have not, I will ask you to =
convey
> this message to them." Although "chief ally" is certainly an
anachronistic
> phrase to apply to the UK vis-=E0-vis the US in 1916, arguments that =
the US
> was truly neutral in 1916 have their own potential to mislead.
>
> Tom
>

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: "Murray, Edmundo"
Subject: Re: FARC at al
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1"
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable

The three Irishmen were detained on 11 August 2001 in Bogot=E1, while =
Bush's global war on terror was announced on September 20th. The target =
was al-Qaeda and terrorist/religious groups supported by them. No =
consideration was made of FARC or Colombia at that time. Only in 2003, =
when president Uribe of Colombia was already in office, the US =
significantly increased military support to Colombian forces on their =
war against FARC ("Plan Libertad I" in 2003 and "Plan Patriota" in =
2004).

Indeed, 9/11 was not good news for the three. Their situation in =
Bogot=E1's La Picota jail immediately changed and they were relocated to =
the high-security prison of DIJIN. In his book "Colombia Jail Journal" =
(2007) James Monaghan (the most experienced of the three and confessed =
explosives expert of IRA) wrote that at that time he estimated that 9/11 =
would be a blow to their legal case. The Irish embassy in Mexico, which =
covers most of the Caribbean and some South American countries, reacted =
early and sent their secretary Sile Maguire. But after 9/11 the =
international involvement in the case increased and the prisoners were =
visited by top-rank USA, British and Irish diplomats and politicians.=20

SF's involvement was fundamental to obtain support for the three at =
home, yet trying to maintain a low profile. The intensive and effective =
pr campaign launched by Caitr=EDona Ruane through the media gained =
support from a good part of the Irish public, and even from Irish =
circles in the US and UK, and convinced the Irish government (not =
unanimously) that they should do something for them.=20

Labels such as "Colombia Three" and "Bring Them Home" (and more recently =
the book's title "Colombia Jail Journal") establish an immediate =
association in the Irish public with other prisoners who were proven to =
be innocent people framed by various members of the police force in the =
UK and imprisoned for offences and crimes which they did not commit. The =
three men gained support in Ireland not because they were innocent but =
because they were Irish. The general reaction to the affair was best =
epithomised by an Irish scholar who wrote that he was sure they weren't =
innocent, but he preferred to see them walking free in Dublin streets =
than in a Colombian jail.=20

For people in Colombia, accustomed to daily government corruption and =
the murderous behaviours of security forces, paramilitaries and =
terrorist groups involved in the drug business, and maffiosi from the =
US, Lebanon, Italy, France, Spain, China and many other parts of the =
world, the three Irish were just a curiosity on the second or third page =
of the newspapers. However, most of the media from right to left (except =
of course FARC-EP's fragile website) were against the three Irishmen. I =
reckon that (as in the case of the Irish public) the local reaction was =
also influenced by nationalist feelings, and addtionally fuelled by EU's =
immigration policy against Colombian citizens.

Ruane's publication (as editor) "Colombia: Judge for Yourself" (2003) =
was a very good example of orchestrating a campaign with seemingly =
strong legal arguments that are largely biased opinions from subjective =
observers. The publication was available online when I researched the =
subject in 2005, but it was immediately dropped from the SF website when =
my article was published in the journal. Needless to say, my own ongoing =
communications with Ms Ruane went unanswered. A colourful part of this =
story is that during a few days after launching the journal I received =
four threatening and anonymous emails in English to drop my article from =
the journal's website (http://www.irlandeses.org/21stC1.htm).

Gerry Adams took distance from the whole affair. Later that year =
(December I think) Adams and Gerry Kelly went to Cuba and resumed the =
work initiated by one of the three, Niall Connolly (see photo in =
http://www.irlandeses.org/0903cfc.htm). This line was rather difficult =
to follow up, but from two interviewees in Havana in December 2006, I =
learnt that the visit went far beyond formal discourses and monuments, =
and that a commitment for financial cooperation was made in which arms =
were not excluded. When Monaghan's book was published last year, there =
were also differences between the author and his publisher, and Adams =
who apparently did not supported the book.

Edmundo Murray

(by the way, we are still looking for a reviewer of Monaghan's book...)

-----Original Message-----
From: The Irish Diaspora Studies List [mailto:IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK] On =
Behalf Of Kerby Miller
Sent: 06 November 2008 16:42
To: IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK
Subject: Re: [IR-D] FARC at al


But, what on earth would be the point of such an "official mission"?=20
I've never seen that question even addressed, much less answered,=20
even speculatively.

The only possibility that seems to make even the remotest sense would=20
be that SF saw the possibility that seconding some of its most=20
dedicated and ideologically-committed activists to FARC (or similar=20
overseas groups) would get them out of Ireland and prevent them from=20
joining dissident republican groups at home.

I.e., FARC could become a sort of French Foreign Legion for people=20
whose "struggle against evil empires," as they might see it, would no=20
longer be allowed at home.

But, again, given the proverbially intense localism of people in=20
Northern Ireland, and of the IRA's own structure, I wonder whether=20
even that "explanation" makes much sense.

(Yes, of course, my Foreign Legion analogy breaks down, since the=20
original, in which Devoy fought, was serving imperial, not=20
anti-imperial, interests. But otherwise....)

By the way, what was the chronological relationship between the=20
Columbia Three (either the start of their alleged mission or their=20
arrest and media exposure) and 9/11 and the onset of the so-called=20
"war on terror"? That's an innocent question. I simply don't recall=20
the sequence, but, if the mission or its exposure took place AFTER=20
9/11 and the start of GWOT, then the 1990s Lybian arms and socialist=20
analogies are less convincing.




>Our problem here is a lack of good information. However, surely it =
looks very
>suspicious, as did the supposedly unaffiliated campaign in Ireland over =
it -
>run by Catriona Ruane, wasn't it, now a SF MLA and minister I think. I =
doubt
>you'd find many observers who doubt that the 3 were on an official=20
>mission that
>they all wanted to keep secret. As for Irish-American opinion, that=20
>didn't stop
>the IRA from accepting Libyan arms in the 1980s, or from espousing a =
form of
>socialism for decades.
>
>Peter Hart

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Peter Hart
Subject: Re: FARC at al
In-Reply-To:
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable

Thanks very much Edmundo - very interesting and helpful!

I have been writing a brief piece comparing the Fenians to other revoluti=
onary
secret societies - esp. in 19C Europe, which has made me think that a gre=
at
topic for comparative survey would be Irish republicanism's international
networks. Obviously, lots of work has been done on particular aspects of=
this,
but it would be fascinating to draw it all together - and compare it to o=
ther
revolutionary organisations. My impression is that Irish interactions ha=
ve
been way less than average. Where many other groups have existed within =
wider
and quite internationalist networks and movements - in Europe, Latin Amer=
ica,
Asia, Africa - Irish republicans have been quite insular. Outside of the=
small
example of the Spanish Civl War, where are the Irish volunteers in foreig=
n
struggles? Just a thought...

Quoting "Murray, Edmundo" :

> The three Irishmen were detained on 11 August 2001 in Bogot=E1, while B=
ush's
> global war on terror was announced on September 20th. The target was al=
-Qaeda
> and terrorist/religious groups supported by them. No consideration was =
made
> of FARC or Colombia at that time. Only in 2003, when president Uribe of
> Colombia was already in office, the US significantly increased military
> support to Colombian forces on their war against FARC ("Plan Libertad I=
" in
> 2003 and "Plan Patriota" in 2004).
>=20
> Indeed, 9/11 was not good news for the three. Their situation in Bogot=E1=
's La
> Picota jail immediately changed and they were relocated to the high-sec=
urity
> prison of DIJIN. In his book "Colombia Jail Journal" (2007) James Monag=
han
> (the most experienced of the three and confessed explosives expert of I=
RA)
> wrote that at that time he estimated that 9/11 would be a blow to their=
legal
> case. The Irish embassy in Mexico, which covers most of the Caribbean a=
nd
> some South American countries, reacted early and sent their secretary S=
ile
> Maguire. But after 9/11 the international involvement in the case incre=
ased
> and the prisoners were visited by top-rank USA, British and Irish diplo=
mats
> and politicians.=20
>=20
> SF's involvement was fundamental to obtain support for the three at hom=
e, yet
> trying to maintain a low profile. The intensive and effective pr campai=
gn
> launched by Caitr=EDona Ruane through the media gained support from a g=
ood part
> of the Irish public, and even from Irish circles in the US and UK, and
> convinced the Irish government (not unanimously) that they should do
> something for them.=20
>=20
> Labels such as "Colombia Three" and "Bring Them Home" (and more recentl=
y the
> book's title "Colombia Jail Journal") establish an immediate associatio=
n in
> the Irish public with other prisoners who were proven to be innocent pe=
ople
> framed by various members of the police force in the UK and imprisoned =
for
> offences and crimes which they did not commit. The three men gained sup=
port
> in Ireland not because they were innocent but because they were Irish. =
The
> general reaction to the affair was best epithomised by an Irish scholar=
who
> wrote that he was sure they weren't innocent, but he preferred to see t=
hem
> walking free in Dublin streets than in a Colombian jail.=20
>=20
> For people in Colombia, accustomed to daily government corruption and t=
he
> murderous behaviours of security forces, paramilitaries and terrorist g=
roups
> involved in the drug business, and maffiosi from the US, Lebanon, Italy=
,
> France, Spain, China and many other parts of the world, the three Irish=
were
> just a curiosity on the second or third page of the newspapers. However=
, most
> of the media from right to left (except of course FARC-EP's fragile web=
site)
> were against the three Irishmen. I reckon that (as in the case of the I=
rish
> public) the local reaction was also influenced by nationalist feelings,=
and
> addtionally fuelled by EU's immigration policy against Colombian citize=
ns.
>=20
> Ruane's publication (as editor) "Colombia: Judge for Yourself" (2003) w=
as a
> very good example of orchestrating a campaign with seemingly strong leg=
al
> arguments that are largely biased opinions from subjective observers. T=
he
> publication was available online when I researched the subject in 2005,=
but
> it was immediately dropped from the SF website when my article was publ=
ished
> in the journal. Needless to say, my own ongoing communications with Ms =
Ruane
> went unanswered. A colourful part of this story is that during a few da=
ys
> after launching the journal I received four threatening and anonymous e=
mails
> in English to drop my article from the journal's website
> (http://www.irlandeses.org/21stC1.htm).
>=20
> Gerry Adams took distance from the whole affair. Later that year (Decem=
ber I
> think) Adams and Gerry Kelly went to Cuba and resumed the work initiate=
d by
> one of the three, Niall Connolly (see photo in
> http://www.irlandeses.org/0903cfc.htm). This line was rather difficult =
to
> follow up, but from two interviewees in Havana in December 2006, I lear=
nt
> that the visit went far beyond formal discourses and monuments, and tha=
t a
> commitment for financial cooperation was made in which arms were not
> excluded. When Monaghan's book was published last year, there were also
> differences between the author and his publisher, and Adams who apparen=
tly
> did not supported the book.
>=20
> Edmundo Murray
>=20
> (by the way, we are still looking for a reviewer of Monaghan's book...)
>=20
> -----Original Message-----
> From: The Irish Diaspora Studies List [mailto:IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK] On B=
ehalf
> Of Kerby Miller
> Sent: 06 November 2008 16:42
> To: IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK
> Subject: Re: [IR-D] FARC at al
>=20
>=20
> But, what on earth would be the point of such an "official mission"?=20
> I've never seen that question even addressed, much less answered,=20
> even speculatively.
>=20
> The only possibility that seems to make even the remotest sense would=20
> be that SF saw the possibility that seconding some of its most=20
> dedicated and ideologically-committed activists to FARC (or similar=20
> overseas groups) would get them out of Ireland and prevent them from=20
> joining dissident republican groups at home.
>=20
> I.e., FARC could become a sort of French Foreign Legion for people=20
> whose "struggle against evil empires," as they might see it, would no=20
> longer be allowed at home.
>=20
> But, again, given the proverbially intense localism of people in=20
> Northern Ireland, and of the IRA's own structure, I wonder whether=20
> even that "explanation" makes much sense.
>=20
> (Yes, of course, my Foreign Legion analogy breaks down, since the=20
> original, in which Devoy fought, was serving imperial, not=20
> anti-imperial, interests. But otherwise....)
>=20
> By the way, what was the chronological relationship between the=20
> Columbia Three (either the start of their alleged mission or their=20
> arrest and media exposure) and 9/11 and the onset of the so-called=20
> "war on terror"? That's an innocent question. I simply don't recall=20
> the sequence, but, if the mission or its exposure took place AFTER=20
> 9/11 and the start of GWOT, then the 1990s Lybian arms and socialist=20
> analogies are less convincing.
>=20
>=20
>=20
>=20
> >Our problem here is a lack of good information. However, surely it lo=
oks
> very
> >suspicious, as did the supposedly unaffiliated campaign in Ireland ove=
r it
> -
> >run by Catriona Ruane, wasn't it, now a SF MLA and minister I think. =
I
> doubt
> >you'd find many observers who doubt that the 3 were on an official=20
> >mission that
> >they all wanted to keep secret. As for Irish-American opinion, that=20
> >didn't stop
> >the IRA from accepting Libyan arms in the 1980s, or from espousing a f=
orm
> of
> >socialism for decades.
> >
> >Peter Hart
>=20

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: Patrick Maume
Subject: Re: FW: [IR-D] Article, "Citizenship Matters"
In-Reply-To:
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable
Content-Disposition: inline

From: Patrick Maume
I would think the mistake does affect a significant subsidiary part of the
argument. The paper states that America intervened for de Valera even
though he was fighting against an ally, and that this shows the strength of
their commitment to the principle. Considering that when America did go to
war quite a few American citizens living in America were sent to prison
merely for expressing anti-war views, this is stretching it a bit.
My own view (based on an impression from general reading) is that Americ=
a
did not in fact intervene in de Valera's behalf; that the British took the
decision to spare him because of his alleged American citizenship, and they
did this because both the British and American governments had denounced th=
e
deaths of American citizens on British ships torpedoed in the Atlantic as
tantamount to aggression against America (even though the Germans quite
reasonably argued that if American citizens chose to sail through a war zon=
e
on belligerent vessels they had only themselves to blame if they were sunk)
and that if THAT standard was applied then shooting de Valera would have
provided a serious counter-argument. (Remember also that Britain mad a
major issue out of the shooting of Nurse Edith Cavell for taking advantage
of her position as a Red Cross nurse in Belgium to assist British POWS in
escaping, even though she had unquestionably done what the Germans shot her
for and British officials admitted after the war that they would have done
the same had a German nurse in Britain acted thus).
This by the way raises an interesting counterfactual - what if the Easter
Rising had taken place after American entry to the war?
Best wishes,
Patrick

On Thu, Nov 6, 2008 at 7:52 PM, Patrick O'Sullivan wrote:

> Mancini, J. M., and Finlay, G. 2008. "Citizenship Matters": Lessons from
> the
> Irish Citizenship Referendum. American Quarterly 60:.
>
> I'd be upset if we were too fierce about this article, especially because
> it
> was, perhaps, my too speedy Copy & Paste that drew attention to that weak
> opening paragraph.
>
> The article itself is very interesting, in exploring the 2 constitutional
> traditions - giving substance to discussions I have been involved in, in =
a
> number of places. The article even spares the time - Note 91 - to praise
> Piaras Mac =C9inr=ED. And, for that, surely, much can be forgiven...
>
> Paddy O'Sullivan
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: The Irish Diaspora Studies List [mailto:IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK] On
> Behalf
> Of Thomas J. Archdeacon
> Sent: 06 November 2008 18:56
> To: IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK
> Subject: Re: [IR-D] Article, "Citizenship Matters"
>
> I wouldn't push too far the technicality that the USA and the UK were no=
t
> allies in 1916. Yes, the U.S. did not enter WW I until 1917. Yes, the
> president was promising non-involvement in the European conflict. Yet I
> think that any analysis of attitudes within the American governmental
> attitudes and among American opinion makers in 1916 would indicate that t=
he
> U.S. viewed England and France much more sympathetically than it viewed
> Germany and Austria-Hungary. In 1916 Jeremiah A. O'Leary of the American
> Truth Society" taunted Wilson for his allegedly pro-British policies afte=
r
> New York voters defeated an Anglophile candidate in a 1916 primary
> election.
> Wilson sent a return telegram stating, "Your telegram received. I would
> feel
> deeply mortified to have you or anybody like you vote for me. Since you
> have
> access to many disloyal Americans and I have not, I will ask you to conve=
y
> this message to them." Although "chief ally" is certainly an anachronist=
ic
> phrase to apply to the UK vis-=E0-vis the US in 1916, arguments that the =
US
> was truly neutral in 1916 have their own potential to mislead.
>
> Tom
>

Sender: The Irish Diaspora Studies List
From: "Rogers, James"
Subject: Re: 'the fool' in major/commercial films/movies
In-Reply-To:
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii"
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable
MIME-Version: 1.0

An excellent list from Michael.

Finian McLonergan in FINIAN'S RAINBOW might qualify as well; not exactly a =
fool, the way John Mills was, but utterly incapable of living in the real w=
orld. The 1947 play was made into a film in 1968, a project that director=
Francis Ford Coppola would probably like to forget.

Jim Rogers



-----Original Message-----
From: The Irish Diaspora Studies List [mailto:IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK] On Behal=
f Of Patrick O'Sullivan
Sent: Friday, November 07, 2008 12:11 PM
To: IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK
Subject: [IR-D] 'the fool' in major/commercial films/movies

From: "Gillespie, Michael"
To: "'The Irish Diaspora Studies List'"
Date: Fri, 7 Nov 2008 11:55:47 -0600

Dear Liam,

Of course a great deal depends upon how one defines fool. Here's a list of =
=3D
suggestions with a very broad view of the term:

The Butcher Boy--Francie Brady
Eat the Peach--Vinnie and Arthur
Home Is the Hero--Dovetail
Quackser Fortune Has a Cousin in the Bronx--Quackser Fortune
Garage--Josie
Sweety Barrett--Sweety Barrett
Spin the Bottle--almost any character
Wild about Harry--Harry
Magdalene Sisters--Crispina

I hope this helps.

Michael

Michael Patrick Gillespie
Louise Edna Goeden Professor of English


-----Original Message-----
From: The Irish Diaspora Studies List [mailto:IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK] On Behal=
=3D
f Of Liam Clarke
Sent: Friday, November 07, 2008 11:06 AM
To: IR-D[at]JISCMAIL.AC.UK
Subject: [IR-D] Request

I am interested in representations of 'the fool' in major/commercial
films/movies set in Ireland.

My searches have yielded the character played by John Mills in 'Ryan's
Daughter', the character played by John Hurt in 'The Field'. Possibly
Victor Mclaglen's depiction in 'The Informer', very possibly elements in
'The Quiet Man' and of course there's always 'Darby O'Gill and the
Little People'.

Can list members come up with any others? They all seem to be male for
some reason:


Best wishes


Liam Clarke